The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was seen as arguably the most significant holders of the vice-presidency in the nation's history. While countless second-in-commands were limited to minor or symbolic functions, Cheney exercised huge sway during the presidency of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was frequently described as the "real president".
Bush resented this portrayal and said the connection was more nuanced. He observed that Cheney was courteous, invariably calling him in official appearances as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even portrayals of their relationship as a team because it suggested that they were on equal footing. In spite of these denials, Cheney viewed the easygoing president pliable on a wide array of policy decisions.
A Period Following the Attacks
In charge of a faction of neo-conservatives that encompassed Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been participating in a session at a school in Florida. Whereas Bush made his way to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the destruction of any unidentified aircraft approaching the US Capitol.
Cheney stated the assaults altered his perspective, causing him to be focused on revenge. Together with other neo-cons, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a occupation of Afghanistan in an effort to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the invasion of Iraq, even though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Policies
He voiced no apologies about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the enhanced interrogation of detainees captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was founded on misleading information repeated by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It proved to be the correct action to do at that time. I believed it then and I maintain that stance now."
But even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a high level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the government's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I saw, at the very least," he later wrote "clear negligence, negligence, and recklessness: potentially, lying, ineptitude, and corruption."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not solely responsible for the Iraq campaign. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for similar measures. He had written a document detailing circumstances in which US concerns might be threatened (including "access to vital raw materials, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the United States should be postured to take unilateral action when collective action prove impossible," specifically citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the White House somewhat determined on implementing what his father had famously refused to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Following he had been sacked by the administration, the finance chief Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his plan of reducing America's engagement in the regional tensions and suggested defense operations against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, convinced he had been involved in a plot to kill his father, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He also objected to that one of the largest hotels in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his father's countenance that everyone had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was one of the most vehement behind striking Iraq, repeatedly referencing agency briefings that were whether thin or entirely deceptive. He supported what the Bush White House euphemistically referred to as "intensive questioning", the application of interrogation method and torture.
Responding to a Senate report in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney rejected the conclusions as "loaded with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to establish protocols and establish programmes to apprehend the perpetrators who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they earn a lot of recognition."
Public Persona
Cheney took pleasure in monikers given to him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the sinister presence, and by the concept that he was a dark force directing Bush. In the author's 2013 publication about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that nobody ever sees come out of his domain? This represents a nice way to operate, actually."
Corporate Connections
Debate over his corporate affiliations pursued him throughout his time as vice-president. Even though he had minimal expertise in commerce but established relationships in military, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's biggest petroleum conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the White House. Contentiously, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was given US deals worth substantial sums.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his time at the firm rose from his previous salary when he was Pentagon chief to $4.4m. When he left in 2000 he had a severance arrangement worth more than $20m|twenty
